Mountain Meadows massacre

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Mountain Meadows massacre

The cover of the August 13, 1859 issue of Harper's Weekly illustrating the killing field as described by Brevet Major Carleton "one too horrible and sickening for language to describe. Human skeletons, disjointed bones, ghastly skulls and the hair of women were scattered in frightful profusion over a distance of two miles." "the remains were not buried at all until after they had been dismembered by the wolves and the flesh stripped from the bones, and then only such bones were buried as lay scattered along nearest the road".
Location Mountain Meadows, Utah Territory
Date September 7September 11, 1857
Weapon(s) Guns, Bowie knives
Deaths 100–140 members of the Fancher-Baker wagon train of Arkansan emigrants to California
Injured <17
Perpetrator(s) Nauvoo Legion (Local Iron County Mormon Militia), Paiute Native American auxiliaries
Mountain Meadows massacre
Backgrounds of the Fanchers and the Mormons
War hysteria  · Conspiracy and siege
Killings and aftermath  · Trials  · Remembrances
LDS public relations  · Media depictions
Precursors
Haun's Mill massacre  · Mormon pioneers
Paiutes  · Kingdom of God (LDS)  · Utah War
Blood atonement  · Plural marriage · Theodemocracy
Books and films
The Mountain Meadows Massacre
Blood of the Prophets
Burying The Past
Under the Banner of Heaven
September Dawn
Massacre at Mountain Meadows

The Mountain Meadows massacre was a mass slaughter of the Fancher-Baker emigrant wagon train at Mountain Meadows, Utah Territory, by the local Mormon militia on 11 September 1857. It began as an attack, quickly turned into a siege, and eventually culminated in the execution of the unarmed emigrants after their surrender. All of the party except for seventeen children under eight years old—about 120 men, women, and children—were killed.[1] After the massacre, the corpses of the victims were left decomposing for two years on the open plain,[2] their children were distributed to local Mormon families, and many of their possessions auctioned off at the LDS Cedar City tithing office.[3]

The Arkansas emigrants were traveling to California shortly before the Utah War started. Mormon leaders had been mustering militia throughout Utah Territory to fight the United States Army, which was sent to Utah to restore US authority in the territory.[4] The emigrants stopped to rest and regroup their approximately 800 head of cattle at Mountain Meadows, a valley within the Iron County Military District of the Nauvoo Legion (the popular designation for the Mormon militia of the Utah Territory).[5]

Initially intending to orchestrate an Indian massacre,[6] local militia leaders including Isaac C. Haight and John D. Lee conspired to lead militiamen disguised as Native Americans along with a contingent of Paiute tribesmen in an attack. The emigrants fought back and a siege ensued. When the Mormons discovered that they had been identified as the attacking force by the emigrants, Col. William H. Dame, head of the Iron County Brigade of the Utah militia, ordered their annihilation.[7] Intending to leave no witnesses of Mormon complicity in the siege and also intending to prevent reprisals that would complicate the Utah War, militiamen induced the emigrants to surrender and give up their weapons. After escorting the emigrants out of their hasty fortification, the militiamen and their tribesmen auxiliaries executed the emigrants. Investigations, interrupted by the U.S. Civil War, resulted in nine indictments in 1874. Only John D. Lee was tried in a court of law, and after two trials, he was convicted. On March 23, 1877 a firing squad executed Lee at the massacre site.

Historians attribute the massacre to a combination of factors including war hysteria fueled by millennialism and strident Mormon teachings by top LDS leaders including Brigham Young.[8] These teachings included doctrines about God's vengeance against those who had killed Mormon prophets, some of whom were from Arkansas. Scholars debate whether the massacre was caused by any direct involvement by Brigham Young,[9] who was never officially charged and denied any wrongdoing. However, the predominant academic position is that Young and other church leaders helped provide the conditions which made the massacre possible.[10]

Contents

[edit] History

[edit] Fancher-Baker party and early interaction with Mormons

In early 1857, several groups of emigrants from the northwestern Arkansas region started their trek to California, joining up on the way to form a group known as the Fancher-Baker party. The groups were mostly from Marion, Crawford, Carroll, and Johnson counties in Arkansas, and had assembled into a wagon train at Beller's Stand, south of Harrison, Arkansas to emigrate to southern California. This group was initially referred to as both the Baker train and the Perkins train, but after being joined by other Arkansas trains and making its way west, was soon called the Fancher train (or party) after "Colonel" Alexander Fancher who, having already made the journey to California twice before, had become its main leader.[11] By contemporary standards the Fancher party was prosperous, carefully organized, and well-equipped for the journey.[12] They were subsequently joined along the way by families and individuals from other states, including Missouri.[13] This group was relatively wealthy, and planned to restock its supplies in Salt Lake City, as did most wagon trains at the time. The party reached Salt Lake City with about 120 members.

At the time of the Fanchers' arrival, the Utah Territory was organized as an ostensible theocratic democracy under the lead of Brigham Young, who had established colonies along the California Trail and Old Spanish Trail. The Fanchers chose to take the southern Old Spanish Trail, which passed through southern Utah. In August 1857, Mormon apostle George A. Smith, of Parowan, set out on a tour of southern Utah, instructing Mormons to stockpile grain. While on his return trip to Salt Lake City, Smith camped near the Fancher party on the 25th at Corn Creek, (near present-day Kanosh, Utah) 70 miles north of Parowan. They had traveled the 165 south from Salt Lake City and Jacob Hamblin suggested that the Fanchers stop and rest their cattle at Mountain Meadows which was adjacent to his homestead. Brevet Major Carleton's report records Jacob Hamblin's account that the train was alleged to have poisoned a spring near Corn Creek (near present-day Kanosh, Utah) that killed 18 head of cattle and resulted in the deaths of two or three people (including the son of Mr Robinson) who ate the dead cattle. Most witnesses said that the Fanchers were in general a peaceful party whose members behaved well along the trail. Among Smith's party were a number of Paiute Indian chiefs from the Mountain Meadows area.

[edit] Conspiracy and siege

The Fancher party left Corn Creek and continued the 125 miles to Mountain Meadow, passing Parowan and Cedar City, southern Utah communities led respectively by Stake Presidents William H. Dame and Isaac C. Haight. Haight and Dame were, in addition, the senior regional military leaders of the Mormon militia. As the Fancher party approached, several meetings were held in Cedar City and nearby Parowan by local LDS ("Latter-Day Saints") leaders pondering how to implement Young's declaration of martial law.[14] They decided, over the objections of some present, to "eliminate" the Fancher wagon train. Those who objected were placated with the promise of sending a rider, James Haslam, to Salt Lake City with a message to Brigham Young asking for confirmation of their decision.[15]

The somewhat dispirited Fancher party found water and fresh grazing for its livestock after reaching grassy, mountain-ringed Mountain Meadows, a widely known stopover on the old Spanish Trail, in early September. They anticipated several days of rest and recuperation there before the next 40 miles would take them out of Utah. But, on September 7 the party was attacked by a group of Native American Paiutes and Mormon militiamen dressed as Native Americans.[16] The Fancher party defended itself by encircling and lowering their wagons, wheels chained together, along with digging shallow trenches and throwing dirt both below and into the wagons, which made a strong barrier. Seven emigrants were killed during the opening attack and were buried somewhere within the wagon encirclement. Sixteen more were wounded. Nearly 12 hours after the attack was initiated, Haslam was sent to Salt Lake City to inform Brigham Young.[17][18] The attack continued for five days, during which the besieged families had little or no access to fresh water or game food and their ammunition was depleted.[16]

Meanwhile, organization among the local Mormon leadership reportedly broke down.[19]

[edit] Killings and aftermath of the massacre

Four (of nine) Utah Territorial militiamen of Tenth Regiment
"Iron Brigade" indicted in 1874 for murder or conspiracy
(Not shown: William H. DameWilliam C. Stewart
Ellott WilldenSamuel JukesGeorge Adair, Jun.)
Isaac C. Haight-Battalion Commander-died 1886 Arizona Maj. John H. Higbee, said to have shouted the command to begin the killings. He claimed that he reluctantly participated in the massacre and only to bury the dead who he thought were victims of an "Indian attack." Maj. John D. Lee, constable, judge, and Indian Agent. Having conspired in advance with his immediate commander, Isaac C. Haight, Lee led the initial assault, and falsely offered emigrants safe passage prior to their mile-long march to the field where they were ultimately massacred. He was the only convicted participant. Philip Klingensmith, a Bishop in the church and a private in the militia. He participated in the killings, and later turned state's evidence against his fellows, after leaving the church.

On Friday, September 11, 1857, two Mormon militiamen approached the Fancher party wagons with a white flag and were soon followed by Indian agent and militia officer John D. Lee. Lee told the battle-weary emigrants that he had negotiated a truce with the Paiutes, whereby they could be escorted safely the 36 miles back to Cedar City under Mormon protection in exchange for turning all of their livestock and supplies over to the Native Americans.[20] Accepting this, the emigrants were led out of their fortification. When a signal was given, the Mormon militiamen turned and executed the male members of the Fancher party standing by their side. According to Mormon sources, the militia let a group of Paiute Indians execute the women and children. The bodies of the dead were gathered and looted for valuables, and were then left in shallow graves or on the open ground. Members of the Mormon militia were sworn to secrecy. A plan was set to blame the massacre on the Indians. The militia did not kill 18 small children who were deemed too young to relate the story. These children were taken by local Mormon families. Seventeen of the children were later reclaimed by the U.S. Army and returned to relatives, while one (a girl) was not returned and lived out her life among the Mormons[21].

Leonard J. Arrington, an author, academic and the founder of the Mormon History Association and a devoted member of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, reports that Brigham Young received the rider at his office on the same day. When he learned what was contemplated by the members of the Mormon Church in Parowan and Cedar City, he sent back a letter that the Fancher party be allowed to pass through the territory unmolested.[18][22] Young's letter supposedly arrived two days too late, on September 13, 1857.

Some of the property of the dead was reportedly taken by the Native Americans involved, while large amounts of cattle and personal property was taken by the Mormons in Southern Utah. John D. Lee took charge of the livestock and other property that had been collected at the Mormon settlement at Pinto. Some of the cattle was taken to Salt Lake City and traded for boots. Some reportedly remained in the hands of John D. Lee. The remaining personal property of the Fancher party was taken to the tithing house at Cedar City and auctioned off to local Mormons. [23] Brigham Young, appalled at what had taken place, initially ordered an investigation into the massacre but in the end it must be acknowledged that through his own unwillingness to work with Federal authorities contributed both directly and indirectly to the blunder of justice, and was part of the reason two trials were necessary.[18]

[edit] Investigations and prosecutions

An early investigation was conducted by Brigham Young, who interviewed John D. Lee on September 29, 1857. In 1858, Young sent a report to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs stating that the massacre was the work of Native Americans. The Utah War delayed any investigation by the U.S. federal government until 1859, when Jacob Forney,[24] and U.S. Army Brevet Major James Henry Carleton conducted investigations. In Carleton's investigation, at Mountain Meadows he found women's hair tangled in sage brush and the bones of children still in their mothers' arms.[25] Carleton later said it was "a sight which can never be forgotten." After gathering up the skulls and bones of those who had died, Carleton's troops buried them and erected a rock cairn.

Carleton interviewed a few local Mormon settlers and Paiute Indian chiefs, and concluded that there was Mormon involvement in the massacre. He issued a report in May 1859, addressed to the U.S. Assistant Adjutant-General, setting forth his findings. Jacob Forney, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Utah, also conducted an investigation that included visiting the region in the summer of 1859 and retrieved many of the surviving children of massacre victims who had been housed with Mormon families, and gathered them in preparation of transporting them to their relatives in Arkansas. Forney concluded that the Paiutes did not act alone and the massacre would not have occurred without the white settlers,[26] while Carleton's report to the U.S. Congress called the mass killings a "heinous crime",[27] blaming both local and senior church leaders for the massacre.

A federal judge brought into the territory after the Utah War, Judge John Cradlebaugh, in March 1859 convened a grand jury in Provo, Utah concerning the massacre, but the jury declined any indictments.[28] Nevertheless, Cradlebaugh conducted a tour of the Mountain Meadows area with a military escort.[29] Cradlebaugh attempted to arrest John D. Lee, Isaac Haight, and John Higbee, but these men fled before they could be found.[30] Cradlebaugh publicly charged Brigham Young as an instigator to the massacre and therefore an "accessory before the fact."[31] Possibly as a protective measure against the mistrusted federal court system, Mormon territorial probate court judge Elias Smith arrested Young under a territorial warrant, perhaps hoping to divert any trial of Young into a friendly Mormon territorial court.[32] When no federal charges ensued, Young was apparently released.[33]

Further investigations, cut short by the American Civil War in 1861,[34] again proceeded in 1871 when prosecutors obtained the affidavit of militia member Phillip Klingensmith. Klingensmith had been a bishop and blacksmith from Cedar City; by the 1870s, however, he had left the church and moved to Nevada.[35]

During the 1870s Lee,[36] Dame, Philip Klingensmith and two others (Ellott Willden and George Adair, Jr.) were indicted and arrested while warrants were obtained to pursue the arrests of four others (Haight, Higbee, William C. Stewart and Samuel Jukes) who had successfully gone into hiding. Klingensmith escaped prosecution by agreeing to testify.[37] Brigham Young removed some participants including Haight and Lee from the LDS church in 1870. The U.S. posted bounties of $500 each for the capture of Haight, Higbee and Stewart while prosecutors chose not to pursue their cases against Dame, Willden and Adair.

Lee's first trial began on July 23, 1875 in Beaver, Utah before a jury of eight Mormons and four non-Mormons.[38] This trial led to a hung jury on August 5, 1875. Lee's second trial began September 13, 1876, before an all-Mormon jury. The prosecution called Daniel Wells, Laban Morrill, Joel White, Samuel Knight, Samuel McMurdy, Nephi Johnson, and Jacob Hamblin.[39] Lee also stipulated, against advice of counsel, that the prosecution be allowed to re-use the depositions of Young and Smith from the previous trial.[40] Lee called no witnesses in his defense.[41] This time, Lee was convicted.

At his sentencing, as required by Utah Territory statute, he was given the option of being hung, shot, or beheaded, and he chose to be shot.[42] In 1877, before being executed by firing squad at Mountain Meadows (a fate Young believed just, but not a sufficient blood atonement, given the enormity of the crime, to get him into the celestial kingdom).[43] Lee himself professed that he was a scapegoat for others involved.[44]

[edit] Criticism and analysis of the massacre

[edit] Media coverage about the event

The first published report on the incident was made in 1859 by Brevet Major J.H. Carleton who had been tasked by the U.S. Army to investigate the incident and bury the still exposed corpses at Mountain Meadows.[45] Although the massacre was covered to some extent in the media during the 1850s,[46] the first period of intense nation-wide publicity about the massacre began around 1872, after investigators obtained the confession of Philip Klingensmith, a Mormon bishop at the time of the massacre and a private in the Utah militia. In 1867 C.V. Waite published "An Authentic History Of Brigham Young" which described the events. In 1872, Mark Twain commented on the massacre through the lens of contemporary American public opinion in an appendix to his semi-autobiographical travel book Roughing It. In 1873, the massacre was a prominent feature of a history by T.B.H. Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints.[47] National newspapers covered the Lee trials closely from 1874 to 1876, and his execution in 1877 was widely covered.

The massacre has been treated extensively by several historical works, beginning with Lee's own Confession in 1877, expressing his opinion that George A. Smith was sent to southern Utah by Brigham Young to direct the massacre.[48] In 1910, the massacre was the subject of a short book by Josiah F. Gibbs, who also attributed responsibility for the massacre to Young and Smith.[49] The first detailed and comprehensive work using modern historical methods was The Mountain Meadows Massacre in 1950 by Juanita Brooks, a Mormon scholar who lived near the area in southern Utah. Brooks found no evidence of direct involvement by Brigham Young, but charged him with obstructing the investigation and for provoking the attack through his rhetoric.

Initially, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) denied any involvement by Mormons, and was relatively silent on the issue. In 1872, however, it excommunicated some of the participants for their role in the massacre.[50] Since then, the LDS Church has consistently condemned the massacre, though acknowledging involvement by local Mormon leaders. In September 2007, the LDS Church published an article in its official publications marking 150 years since the tragedy occurred.[51][52]

[edit] Historical theories explaining the massacre

Historians have ascribed the massacre to a number of factors, including (1) strident Mormon teachings in the years prior to the massacre, (2) war hysteria, and (3) alleged involvement of Brigham Young.

[edit] Strident Mormon teachings

Mormons, such as John D. Lee, who participated in the Mountain Meadows massacre, felt justified by strident Mormon teachings during the 1850s. However, historians debate whether or not that justification was a reasonable interpretation of Mormon theology.

For the decade prior to the Fancher party's arrival there, Utah Territory existed as a "theodemocracy" (a democratic theocracy) led by Brigham Young. During the mid-1850s, Young instituted a Mormon Reformation, intending to "lay[ing] the axe at the root of the tree of sin and iniquity", while preserving individual rights.[53] Mormon teachings during this era were dramatic and strident.

In addition, during the prior decades, the religion had undergone a period of intense persecution in the American Midwest, and faithful Mormons moved west to escape persecution in midwestern towns. In particular, they were officially expelled the state of Missouri during the 1838 Mormon War, during which prominent Mormon apostle David W. Patten was killed in battle. After Mormons moved to Nauvoo, Illinois, the religion's founder Joseph Smith, Jr. and his brother Hyrum Smith were assassinated in 1844. Just months before the Mountain Meadows massacre, Mormons received word that yet another "prophet" had been killed: in April 1857, apostle Parley P. Pratt was shot in Arkansas by Hector McLean, the estranged husband of one of Pratt's plural wives, Eleanor McLean Pratt.[54] Mormon leaders immediately proclaimed Pratt as another martyr,[55] and many Mormons held the people of Arkansas responsible.[56]

In 1857, Mormon leaders taught that the Second Coming of Jesus was imminent,[57] and that God would soon exact punishment against the United States for persecuting Mormons and martyring "the prophets" Joseph Smith, Jr., Hyrum Smith, Patten and Pratt.[58] In their Endowment ceremony, faithful early Latter-day Saints took an Oath of Vengeance against the murderers of the prophets.[59] As a result of this oath, several Mormon apostles and other leaders considered it their religious duty to kill the prophets' murderers if they ever came across them.[60]

The sermons, blessings, and private counsel by Mormon leaders just prior to the Mountain Meadows massacre can be understood as encouraging private individuals to execute God's judgment against the wicked.[61] In Cedar City, Utah, the teachings of church leaders were particularly strident.[62]

Thus, historians argue that southern Utah Mormons would have been particularly affected by an unsubstantiated[63] rumor that the Fancher wagon train had been joined by a group of eleven miners and plainsmen who called themselves "Missouri Wildcats," some of whom reportedly taunted, vandalized and "caused trouble" for Mormons and Native Americans along the route (by some accounts claiming that they had the gun that "shot the guts out of Old Joe Smith"[64] They were also affected by the report to Brigham Young that the Fancher party was from Arkansas,[65] and the rumor that Eleanor McLean Pratt, the apostle Pratt's plural wife, recognized one of the party as being present at her husband's murder.[66]

[edit] War hysteria

George A. Smith
Apostle who met the Fancher-Baker party before touring Parowan and neighboring settlements prior to the massacre

The Mountain Meadows massacre was caused in part by events relating to the Utah War, an 1857 deployment toward the Utah Territory of the United States Army, whose arrival was peaceful. In the summer of 1857, however, the Mormons expected an all-out invasion of apocalyptic significance. From July to September 1857, Mormon leaders and their followers prepared for a siege that could have ended up similar to the seven-year Bleeding Kansas problem occurring at the time. Mormons were required to stockpile grain, and were enjoined against selling grain to emigrants for use as cattle feed. As far-off Mormon colonies retreated, Parowan and Cedar City became isolated and vulnerable outposts. Brigham Young sought to enlist the help of Indian tribes in fighting the "Americans", encouraging them to steal cattle from emigrant trains, and to join Mormons in fighting the approaching army.[67]

In August 1857, Mormon apostle George A. Smith, of Parowan, set out on a tour of southern Utah, instructing Mormons to stockpile grain. Scholars have asserted that Smith's tour, speeches, and personal actions contributed to the fear and tension in these communities, and influenced the decision to attack and destroy the Baker-Fancher emigrant train near Mountain Meadows, Utah. He met with many of the eventual participants in the massacre, including W. H. Dame, Isaac Haight, John D. Lee and Chief Jackson, leader of a band of Pah-Utes.[68] He noted that the militia was organized and ready to fight, and that some of them were eager to "fight and take vengeance for the cruelties that had been inflicted upon us in the States."[69] While on his return trip to Salt Lake City, Smith camped near the Fancher party on the 25th at Corn Creek, (near present-day Kanosh, Utah) 70 miles north of Parowan. They had traveled the 165 south from Salt Lake City and Jacob Hamblin suggested that the Fanchers stop and rest their cattle at Mountain Meadows which was adjacent to his homestead. Brevet Major Carleton's report records Jacob Hamblin's account that the train was alleged to have poisoned a spring near Corn Creek (near present-day Kanosh, Utah) that killed 18 head of cattle and resulted in the deaths of two or three people (including the son of Mr Robinson) who ate the dead cattle. Most witnesses said that the Fanchers were in general a peaceful party whose members behaved well along the trail. Among Smith's party were a number of Paiute Indian chiefs from the Mountain Meadows area. When Smith returned to Salt Lake, Brigham Young met with these leaders on September 1, 1857 and encouraged them to fight against the "Americans" in the anticipated clash with the U.S. Army. They were also "given" all of the livestock then on the road to California, which included that belonging to the Fancher party. The Indian chiefs were reluctant, and at least one objected they had previously been told not to steal, and declined the offer.[70] Some scholars theorize, however, that the leaders returned to Mountain Meadows and participated in the massacre.[citation needed] However, it is uncertain whether they would have had time to do so.[citation needed]

[edit] Alleged involvement of Brigham Young

Historians debate the role of Brigham Young in the massacre. Young was theocratic leader of the Utah Territory at the time of the massacre.

Historians agree that Brigham Young played a role in provoking the massacre, at least unwittingly, and in concealing its evidence after the fact;[71] however, they debate whether or not Young knew about the planned massacre ahead of time, and whether or not he initially condoned it, before later taking a strong public stand against it. Young's use of inflammatory and violent language[72] in response to the Federal expedition added to the tense atmosphere at the time of the attack. After the massacre, Young stated in public forums that God had taken vengeance on the Fancher party.[73] It is unclear whether Young held this view because he believed that this specific group posed an actual threat to colonists or because he believed that the group was directly responsible for past crimes against Mormons. According to historian MacKinnon, "After the [Utah] war, U.S. President James Buchanan implied that face-to-face communications with Brigham Young might have averted the conflict, and Young argued that a north-south telegraph line in Utah could have prevented the Mountain Meadows Massacre."[74] MacKinnon suggests that hostilities could have been avoided if Young had traveled east to Washington D.C. to resolve governmental problems instead of taking a five week trip north on the eve of the Utah War for church related reasons.[75]

[edit] Remembrances

Starting in 1988 descendants of both the Fancher party victims and the Mormon participants collaborated to design and dedicate a monument to replace the neglected and crumbling marker on the site. There are now three monuments to the massacre. Two of these are at Mountain Meadows. Mountain Meadows Association built a monument in 1990 which is maintained by the Utah State Division of Parks and Recreation. In 1999 the Mormon Church built and maintains a second monument.[76][77][78]

A monument placed in the central square of Harrison, Arkansas is a replica of Carleton's original marker maintained by the Mountain Meadows Massacre Monument Foundation.[79]

[edit] See also

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ Hamblin 1876 stated that he buried over 120 skeletons); James Lynch (1859) reported that there were 140 victims; in Thompson 1860, p. 8,82, Superintendent Forney reported that there were 115 victims; a 1932 monument states that about 140 were murdered and that 17 children were spared; while Brooks' (introduction, 1991) believes that the figure of 123 is exaggerated, citing several reports which say that less than 100 were actually killed. The 1990 monument lists the names of 82 victims identified as the result of the careful research of descendants of survivors of the massacre ([1] and states that there were other victims whose names are still unknown. See also Bagley 2002.
  2. ^ {{Harvnb|Lynch|1859| I enquired of Jacob Hamblin who is a high Church dignitary, why these remains were not buried at some time subsequent to the murder? he said that the bodies were so much decomposed that it was impossible to inter them.
  3. ^ Brooks, 1950, p.86
  4. ^ Linder, Douglas (2006). "Testimony of Jacob Hamblin". Mountain Meadows Massacre Trials (John D. Lee Trials) 1875–1876. University of Missouri-Kansas School of Law. "The understanding and feeling was that he was marching against the Mormons as a people...." . Linder, Douglas (2006). "Laban Morrill Testimony—witness for the prosecution". Mountain Meadows Massacre Trials (John D. Lee Trials) 1875–1876. University of Missouri-Kansas School of Law. "...they had made threats in regard to us as a people...." 
  5. ^ The Utah Territory militia technically included every able-bodied Mormon in the region between ages eighteen and forty-five (Shirts 1994; MacKinnon 2007).
  6. ^ See Beadle, J. H., Polygamy: or, The Mysteries and Crimes of Mormonism, (1882), chapter 10: "The Mormon Murderers
  7. ^ Brooks 1991, page 80
  8. ^ Brooks (1950, p. xviii (3d. edition, 1991)) (stating that massacre participants were "fired" by "The Spirit of the Times," and were "[s]purred on by inflammatory speeches of their church leaders, their determination not to be driven again, their private vows to avenge the blood of the Prophets, the promises in their Patriarchal Blessings that they would be allowed to do so—all these carried some weight.")
  9. ^ Brooks (1950) ("Brigham Young and George A. Smith, the church authorities chiefly responsible, did not specifically order the massacre.").
  10. ^ Brooks (1950) (Brigham Young and George A. Smith "did preach sermons and set up social conditions which made [the massacre] possible.").
  11. ^ Bagley (2002), pp. 55–68; Finck (2005).
  12. ^ Bancroft (1889) p. 545; Linn (1902) Chap. XVI, 4th full paragraph.
  13. ^ Bancroft (1889) p. 544; Gibbs (1910) p. 12.
  14. ^ Shirts (1994), Paragraph 6
  15. ^ Brigham Young: American Moses, Leonard J. Arrington, University of Illinois Press, (1986)
  16. ^ a b Shirts, (1994) Paragraph 8
  17. ^ Penrose 1885
  18. ^ a b c Brigham Young: American Moses, Leonard J. Arrington, University of Illinois Press, (1986), p. 257
  19. ^ Shirts, (1994) Paragraph 6
  20. ^ Shirts, (1994) Paragraph 9
  21. ^ Brooks, 1950, pp 101–105
  22. ^ Brigham Young to Isaac C. Haight, Sept. 10, 1857, Letterpress Copybook 3:827–28, Brigham Young Office Files, LDS Church Archives
  23. ^ Brooks,1950. See also Klingensmith Testimony at first trial of John D. Lee
  24. ^ Forney 1859, p. 1.
  25. ^ Fisher 2003.
  26. ^ Forney 1859, p. 1;
  27. ^ Carleton 1859
  28. ^ Cradlebaugh 1859, p. 3; Carrington 1859, p. 2.
  29. ^ Bagley (2004, p. 225).
  30. ^ Bagley (2004, p. 226).
  31. ^ Bagley (2004, p. 225).
  32. ^ Bagley (2004, p. 234).
  33. ^ Bagley (2004, p. 225).
  34. ^ Brooks 1950, p. 133
  35. ^ Briggs 2006, p. 315
  36. ^ Lee was arrested on November 7, 1874. "John D. Lee Arrested", Deseret News, November 18, 1874, p. 16.
  37. ^ Tragedy at Mountain Meadows Massacre: Toward a Consensus Account and Time Line
  38. ^ "The Lee Trial", Deseret News, July 28, 1875, p. 5.
  39. ^ Lee 1877, p. 317–78.
  40. ^ Lee 1877, p. 302–03.
  41. ^ Lee 1877, p. 378.
  42. ^ "Territorial Dispatches: the Sentence of Lee", Deseret News, October 18, 1876, p. 4.
  43. ^ Young 1877, p. 242) (Young was asked after Lee's execution if he believed in blood atonement. Young replied, "I do, and I believe that Lee has not half atoned for his great crime".)
  44. ^ Lee 1877, p. 225-226.
  45. ^ Brevet Major J.H. Carleton's Report to his commanding officer. (1859)
  46. ^ Lyman 2004, p. 138
  47. ^ Stenhouse 1873.
  48. ^ Lee 1877.
  49. ^ Gibbs 1910.
  50. ^ Bagley, Will (2002), Blood of the prophets : Brigham Young and the massacre at Mountain Meadows, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, pp. 273, ISBN 0806136391 
  51. ^ Richard E. Turley Jr., Writing 'Massacre at Mountain Meadows', lds.org, 2007-08-29
  52. ^ Michael De Groote, Writing 'Massacre at Mountain Meadows', Mormon Times, Sep. 11, 2008
  53. ^ In 1856, Young said "the government of God, as administered here" may to some seem "despotic" because "[i]t lays the axe at the root of the tree of sin and iniquity; judgment is dealt out against the transgression of the law of God"; however, "does not [it] give every person his rights?" Young 1856, p. 256.
  54. ^ Pratt 1975, pp. 6, 24 n.26 (Parley and Eleanor entered a Celestial marriage under the theocratic law of the Utah Territory), but Hector had refused Eleanor a divorce. "When she left San Francisco she left Hector, and later she was to state in a court of law that she had left him as a wife the night he drove her from their home. Whatever the legal situation, she thought of herself as an unmarried woman."(p. 6)
  55. ^ "Murder of Parley P. Pratt, One of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints", JD 19(27):417 (July 4, 1857) ("Another Martyr has fallen—another faithful servant of God has sealed his pure and heavenly testimony of the truthfulness of the Book of Mormon with his blood."); Pratt 1975, p. 16; "Reminiscences of Mrs. A. Agatha Pratt, January 07, F564, #16, LDS Church Archives, stating that Brigham Young said, "Nothing has happened so hard to reconcile my mind to since the death of Joseph.").
  56. ^ Eleanor McLean Pratt, "Mrs. McLean's Letter to the Judge", JD 19(27):426 (July 4, 1857) ("[T]he blood of innocence has freely flowed to stain the soil of the fair State of Arkansas."); Brooks 1950, p. 36-37; Linn 1902, p. 519–20: "It was in accordance with Mormon policy to hold every Arkansan accountable for Pratt's death, just as every Missourian was hated because of the expulsion of the church from that state.").
  57. ^ Young et al. 1845, p. 5 ("[t]here are those now living upon the earth who will live to see the consummation" of the Millennium). Based on a somewhat ambiguous statement by Joseph Smith, some Mormons believed that Jesus would return in 1891 Erickson 1996, p. 9. See also Doctrine and Covenants 130: 14-17.
  58. ^ Grant 1854, p. 148 "[I]t is a stern fact that the people of the United States have shed the blood of the Prophets, driven out the Saints of God,… [c]onsequently I look for the Lord to use His whip on the refractory son called 'Uncle Sam'."
  59. ^ Diary of Heber C. Kimball (21 December 1845); Beadle 1970, pp. 496–97 (describing the oath prior to 1970 as requiring a "private, immediate duty to avenge the death of the Prophet and Martyr, Joseph Smith"); George Q. Cannon (Daily Journal of Abraham H. Cannon, 6 December 1889, p. 205). In 1904, several witnesses said that the oath as it then existed was that participants would never cease to pray that God would avenge the blood of the prophets on this nation", and that they would teach this practice to their posterity "unto the 3rd and 4th generation" Buerger 2002, p. 134. The oath was deleted from the ceremony in the early 20th century.
  60. ^ Diary of Heber C. Kimball (21 December 1845) (saying that in the temple he had "covenanted, and will never rest…until those men who killed Joseph & Hyrum have been wiped out of the earth"); George Q. Cannon (Daily Journal of Abraham H. Cannon, 6 December 1889, p. 205) (stating that he understood that his Endowment in Nauvoo included "an oath against the murders of the Prophet Joseph as well as other prophets, and if he had ever met any of those who had taken a hand in that massacre he would undoubtedly have attempted to avenge the blood of the Martyrs").
  61. ^ Diary of Daniel Davis, 8 July 1849, the LDS archives, as quoted in Quinn 1997, p. 247 (A Mormon who listened to a sermon by Young in 1849 recorded that Young said "if any one was catched stealing to shoot them dead on the spot and they should not be hurt for it."); Young 1856b, p. 247 (stating that a man would be justified in putting a javelin through his plural wife caught in the act of adultery, but anyone intending to "execute judgment…has got to have clean hands and a pure heart,…else they had better let the matter alone"); Young 1857, p. 219 ("[I]f [your neighbor] needs help, help him; and if he wants salvation and it is necessary to spill his blood on the earth in order that he may be saved, spill it"); Young 1857, p. 311 ("[I]n regard to those who have persecuted this people and driven them to the mountains, I intend to meet them on their own grounds.…I will tell you how it could be done, we could take the same law they have taken, viz., mobocracy, and if any miserable scounderels come here, cut their throats. (All the people said, Amen)."); Quinn 1997, p. 260 ("LDS leaders publicly and privately encouraged Mormons to consider it their right to kill antagonistic outsiders, common criminals, LDS apostates, and even faithful Mormons who committed sins "worthy of death.").
  62. ^ Mormons in Cedar City were taught that members should ignore dead bodies and go about their business. See Letter from Mary L. Campbell to Andrew Jenson, 24 January 1892, LDS archives, in Moorman & Sessions, Camp Floyd and the Mormons, p. 142. Col. William H. Dame, the ranking officer in southern Utah who ordered the Mountain Meadows massacre, received a patriarchal blessing in 1854 that he would "be called to act at the head of a portion of thy Brethren and of the Lamanites (Native Americans) in the redemption of Zion and the avenging of the blood of the prophets upon them that dwell on the earth". See Patriarchal blessing of William H. Dame, 20 February 1854, in Harold W. Pease, "The Life and Works of William Horne Dame", M.A. thesis, BYU, 1971, pp. 64-66. In June 1857, Philip Klingensmith, another participant, was similarly blessed that he would participate in "avenging the blood of Brother Joseph". See Patriarchal blessing of Philip Klingensmith, Anna Jean Backus, Mountain Meadows Witness: The Life and Times of Bishop Philip Klingensmith (Spokane: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1995), pp. 118, 124; Salt Lake Cutoff and the California Trail; Spanish Trail Cut a Roundabout Path Through Utah; Scott 1877.
  63. ^ It is uncertain whether the Missouri Wildcat group stayed with the slow-moving Fancher party after leaving Salt Lake City. See Brooks 1991, page xxi; Bagley (2002), p. 280 (referring to the "Missouri Wildcats" story as "Utah mythology".
  64. ^ Mountain Meadows Massacre in Tietoa Mormonismista Suomeksi. See PBS Episode 4 and UTLM Newsletters #88 and essay at youknow.com
  65. ^ Young 1875.
  66. ^ Stenhouse 1873, p. 431 (citing "Argus", an anonymous contributor to the Corinne Daily Reporter whom Stenhouse met and vouched for).
  67. ^ Lyman, Edward Leo, The Overland Journey from Utah to California: Wagon Travel from the City of Saints to the City of Angels, University of Nevada Press, (2004), p. 130 ISBN 0874175011
  68. ^ Martineau 1857
  69. ^ Lyman 2004, p. 133
  70. ^ Dimick B. Huntington Journal
  71. ^ Shirts 1994
  72. ^ MacKinnon 2007, p. 57
  73. ^ Bagley 2002, p. 247.
  74. ^ MacKinnon 2007, p. endnote 50
  75. ^ MacKinnon 2007, p. 17
  76. ^ Utah History To Go. Pioneers and Cowboys. Morris A. Shirts, Mountain Meadows Massacre. Retrieved March 9, 2009.
  77. ^ Mountain Meadows Association. 1990 Monument. Retrieved March 9, 2009.
  78. ^ Mountain Meadows Association. 1999 Monument. Retrieved March 9, 2009.
  79. ^ Flickr. J. Stephen Conn's photostream. Mountain Meadows Massacre Monument (photograph). Retrieved March 9, 2009.

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